When I returned and took the exit for our neighborhood at 46th & 35W, the city’s stress was immediately upon me again. This intersection is populated day and night by people asking for money, on both exit ramps and on several corners leading up to the light. Sometimes someone looks as though they’re trying to raise money for their family or to get back on their feet. But for the most part, these are people asking for money to buy drugs.

This time, a trio was hunched behind the electrical box, smoking from aluminum foil. One kept swaying sideways toward traffic. It’s a visceral experience to see this from a motorcycle. There’s no glass or steel between you and them, just a few feet of open air. There’s a temptation to put down the kickstand, walk over, and ask: Are you okay? Do you need me to call someone, a friend or family member? Does anyone in the group have Narcan?

The light changes, and I drive through. On the other side, two more people are pressed against the highway wall, getting high. It occurs to me that the dealer must have just come through. Everyone has set down their cardboard signs to get their fix. It’s happening right there, within arm’s reach, and yet I feel powerless to help. I’m watching a group of people possibly kill themselves with fentanyl, and then I drive home. In 2024, 91 percent of opioid-related deaths in Minnesota involved fentanyl. That includes 48 deaths in Hennepin County’s District 3, 44 in Minneapolis, and 4 in St. Louis Park. Hennepin County overall saw 264 opioid-related overdose deaths. If one of those people climbed onto the overpass wall and threatened to jump onto the highway, police and fire crews would respond immediately. Yet what I witnessed that day raises no alarms at all.

This experience is not unique to me. When I asked my editor whether she thought there were more people on street corners these days, she described a similar scene at a different intersection that left her shaken, desperate people wandering unsteadily through the intersection with little regard for traffic. That’s part of why it was disheartening to read the September 8 Star Tribune story “Minnesota closed three addiction centers, leaving dwindling treatment choices,” by Jessie Van Berkel. As of August 1, only two Community Addiction Recovery Enterprise (CARE) centers remained open, down from five. These centers accept people involuntarily committed by a judge who has found they’re likely to harm themselves or others and require treatment. Under federal regulations, pregnant women and intravenous drug users get priority for admission, followed by people in jail who should be in treatment instead. At the time the article was written, there were 53 people on waitlists. Last year, Minnesota saw 767 civil commitment cases due to chemical dependency. The state legislature approved $75 million to add 50 beds at the Anoka Metro Regional Treatment Center (AMRTC), which comes to $1.5 million per bed.

The state is struggling to keep up with demand for treatment beds. Even if we committed every person feeding an addiction on street corners, we wouldn’t have enough service providers or facilities to treat them. Better Minneapolis is unlikely to interview the candidates for governor before the November election, but if we did, we’d ask: what is your plan for addressing the fentanyl and methamphetamine crisis? Talk to people who work in this field, and you’ll hear the same complaint again and again: a lack of coordination between departments. What’s needed is a governor willing to declare this a health emergency, the way the state did for COVID-19. That declaration would allow the state to override local county commissions and city councils and pursue a genuinely coordinated approach. A statewide task force with the authority to consolidate resources and direct their use may be the only way to change the current trajectory. We’re spending tens of millions of dollars on a disjointed approach that keeps falling short of what’s required.

One way this task force could outperform the current system is by identifying available resources and directing their use. The former Hennepin County Home School comes to mind as one possible facility. It sits idle, and Anoka County can’t use it. Instead, that county will have to find or build its own facility, a process that will take years and cost significantly more. A state task force could direct the reopening of the Hennepin County Home School as a CARE facility. This kind of action makes sense on several levels. First, people in urgent need of treatment could receive it faster, which can be the difference between life and death. Second, it makes financial sense to keep people out of jails and emergency rooms. Without other options, jails and emergency rooms become de facto treatment centers, the most expensive and least effective choice available.

Generally speaking, we favor local control, but some issues are best addressed at the state level. If a special tax were needed to fund a task force like this, it would have to pass at the state level. California has a 1 percent personal income tax surcharge on high earners (taxable income over $1 million) called the Mental Health Services Act. Oregon has a tax on cannabis and a Portland Metro Supportive Housing Services Tax (also a 1 percent tax on high earners), and a 1 percent business profits tax. Washington State has a Mental Health and Chemical Dependency Sales Tax, which allows counties to charge a 0.1 percent local sales tax. We’re not necessarily advocating for more taxes. What we’re asking for is more coordinated planning around how Minnesota addresses mental health and addiction services, so that cities, counties, and the state stop duplicating efforts, overspending, and stretching regulators too thin to be effective.

If it turns out that an additional tax is needed, especially given the cuts we’re seeing to Medicaid at the federal level, we need to hold our elected officials to a high standard of accountability. They must show that additional money is tied to measurable outcomes. We can’t afford to let dedicated funds for mental health and chemical dependency become a black hole of wishful thinking and fraud.

Our communities, cities and counties alike, are hurting because of this crisis. They need the state to do more if we’re going to address what is occurring in a serious manner. Consider that in cities like Portland, roughly half of police calls are related to drug and mental health crises. That statistic alone shows how the hidden costs of this epidemic continue to spiral. As with COVID-19, money spent now to stop the spread of this disease is money that, in time, becomes available for other priorities, or for keeping taxes down. If we do get the chance to interview the candidates for governor, we’ll ask them: How many deaths are an acceptable number before you commit the resources this problem demands? And how far are you willing to go to stop the spread of this disease?

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My editor and I didn’t attend the fair this year. We’re not opposed to it, but it doesn’t excite us the way it does many of our friends and neighbors. Any event where we feel like cattle being shepherded from one feed lot to the next, sweat pouring down our faces, tends to lower our enthusiasm. If there’s a concert we’re excited to see, we go, but there wasn’t one this year, so we opted out of the heat, dust, and crowds. The fair is the kind of event that makes many introverts shrink into their shells, and that’s the case here. We’re glad for those who find it a source of pride and a place to strengthen their sense of community.

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The Renaissance Coalition on reviving the Warehouse District

The interview with Joanne Kaufman and Randy Larson of the Renaissance Coalition was scheduled weeks ago, and we’re excited to share it with readers. Minneapolis needs a vision for its future. Honoring the past, and learning from it, is essential to charting the future, but we can get consumed by our missteps and let our sense of what’s possible narrow. This applies as much to cities as it does to individuals. Unless we practice focusing on the present and what comes next, we risk becoming fixated on the past. It’s this tendency that made us glad to learn about the Renaissance Coalition, a public-private partnership putting forward ideas to revive downtown’s Warehouse District.

Summary

Larson describes the coalition’s work as a catalyst for change. “What we want to do is get people to imagine what a long-term vision of that area could be,” he said. Toward that end, the coalition has put forward a range of ideas in its vision statement, which is available on its website.

While remaining realistic about what they can achieve, the coalition is floating some bold ideas, such as turning floors of the ABC parking ramps into “barking lots” for dogs and their owners, along with cafes and outdoor spaces. They’d like the area to become more of an arts and entertainment district, similar to what Kansas City has done with its Power & Light District. A major street reconstruction project is slated for 2028, but the coalition is already thinking beyond it. Their vision includes more storefronts with accessible shops, art galleries, and live music venues to draw people into the area. Sidewalks will be twice as wide as they are now, a change they believe will encourage people to walk from shop to shop while taking in the historic district. They point to the successful conversion of the Kickernick Building into artist lofts and galleries as an example of what’s possible.

We discussed the benefits and drawbacks of moving bus traffic off Nicollet, the importance of street-level retail, and the public transportation options for reaching the area. People and light are key to improving safety there, according to Larson. Kaufman described a recent meeting with a group of architecture students from Dunwoody, where she encouraged them to come up with ideas for filling vacant lots. Turning them into green space for pop-up makers’ markets and ice-skating rinks were among the possibilities discussed.

For any of these ideas to gain traction, partnership with the city is essential. For now, that means planning assistance from CPED and flexibility on permitting. Private investment and responsible capitalism are key to revitalization. To attract that kind of investment, city leaders need to broaden their priorities toward policies that welcome businesses. Revitalization creates jobs and increases tax revenue through higher property values and retail sales.

People who invest in businesses and property in Minneapolis have something to lose if the city doesn’t get economic development right. That gives them a significant incentive to see improvements happen and a willingness to work toward them. We can’t treat all capitalism, investment, and development as dirty words if we want our city to grow and prosper. The reason we invest large sums of taxpayer money in public infrastructure is so people can get to work, shop, and enjoy amenities like the Lynx and Timberwolves. We won’t always get the balance of public dollars and private investment right, but we have to keep trying. Our park system is beautiful, but reviving Minneapolis will take more than that. We need leaders, public and private, working to attract people willing to invest in their visions, and those people need assurance that city officials will be reliable partners.

We’re hopeful the Renaissance Coalition succeeds, and that the city embraces people willing to bring their vision, resources, and talent to building a great city. We appreciated Kaufman’s reminder that “sometimes the craziest ideas are the ones that work and get the most legs.”

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Property taxes in Minneapolis have seen double-digit increases year after year, yet city employee salaries are rising as though the local economy is booming. It isn’t. Minneapolis currently has the highest number of distressed commercial loans of any city in the country. According to a recent report by CRED iQ, the distress rate for the Minneapolis-St. Paul metro has reached 55.2 percent.

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The risk to residents is that more of these loans could fail, pushing property values down further than they’ve already fallen. Over the next several years, that could mean even larger tax increases to cover the lost revenue. In his August 25 commentary in the Star Tribune, Mayor Frey said he wants “to keep finances stable while not kicking the can down the road,” describing his budget as making “the hard choices now” to get the city through what he called a “two-year ring of fire.” What Frey didn’t mention is that his proposal still raises total spending by about 5.3 percent, according to Ag Cohen of the Minneapolis Times.

The proposed 2027 budget doesn’t make the difficult choices the moment calls for. One of the biggest cost drivers is employee salaries, and not just at the MPD. (We’re redacting employee names in this newsletter. The point isn’t to single out individuals, but to illustrate a frustration many residents share.)

A reader sent me this research after my interview with Tom Olsen, president of the Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board.

Comparing salaries for the same job titles from 2019 to 2025, the reader found increases often well over 100 percent. The top example: an employee with the title “Police Sergeant Parks P” went from $89,631 in 2019 to $206,697 in 2025, an increase of more than 130 percent in six years. A “Police Officer Parks B P” went from $75,199 in 2020 to $158,707 in 2025, up 111 percent in five years. An “Environmental Education Lead P” earned $63,807 in 2019 and $117,115 in 2025, an increase of 83.5 percent.

These are presumably all capable employees doing their jobs well. But ordinary residents and taxpayers in Minneapolis haven’t seen anything close to these salary increases. The reader noted that the examples above are closer to the rule than the exception, and encouraged others to look through the data themselves. That growth deserves a place in the budget conversation, given how much taxpayers have absorbed from local government expansion over the past six years.

We ran our own search on GovSalaries.com and found similar patterns. In 2024, a Police Lieutenant earned $492,117, well above the City Operations Officer’s $318,767. An Assistant City Coordinator for Convention Center operations earned $251,939, which the site put at 431 percent above the city’s average salary and 1,538 percent above the median. Another employee, an Assistant City Coordinator and Chief Finance Officer, earned $228,870 in 2024, up $40,062 (21.2 percent) from 2023 and up $54,138 (31.0 percent) since 2020.

The Ugly Budget Battle Ahead

The budget proposal is being pitched as a fiscally responsible way to steward the city through the next two years. Until we see a report with 2026 data that’s transparent about salary growth over the past five years, we remain skeptical. Closing unfilled positions and shuffling departments are marginal changes that don’t alter the underlying trend of continued growth in city government, a trend being financed by resident property taxes even as a potential financial storm builds offshore.

Good governance calls for strategic scenario planning. What happens if a significant share of those commercial loans default? If city revenue from commercial property keeps falling, what’s the plan? What does the best case look like? Is there any realistic scenario in which residents see their property taxes go down?

As an outside observer, it’s hard to know what to believe. Different camps are projecting their own priorities onto the budget without giving enough weight to the underlying conditions and assumptions driving it. It’s not exciting to think about the yield on the 10-year Treasury, but governing is often unglamorous work. The city needs a government that’s prepared for a sharp rise in interest rates and loan defaults; having a plan in place could be what keeps those risks from materializing.

Watching the various factions defend their predictable positions doesn’t build much confidence. We’d rather see some wonky mathy people dig into the numbers and find a solution that doesn’t keep relying on a heavier tax burden for residents.

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Some readers may have noticed we didn’t put out a newsletter last week. We were busy moving our youngest to Montana State University for his sophomore year. We wore ourselves out loading and unloading furniture, assembling lamps and chairs, and shopping for various necessities. He’ll be living with four roommates, and we’re cautiously optimistic that he’ll attend classes and do the work.

Minneapolis has its share of expensive restaurants, but I think Bozeman has us beat. You won’t find a bison burger for under $24 on Main Street. It’s like eating at the Minnesota State Fair every day! Speaking of the fair, and who isn’t these days, Council Member Payne counts himself a traditionalist who seeks out cheese curds every year. As seems mandatory this time of year, we started our conversation by discussing his experiences at the fair. He recalled walking with Richard Carlbom as the party chair tried to convince people that the DFL is still a big tent, after the endorsement of State Senator Omar Fateh at the DFL city convention was rescinded. Payne saw the reversal as divisive, and it appears the party is still trying to recover. According to Payne, the split is perpetuated largely by campaign staffers and communications people. The recent primary between Flanagan and Craig has now concluded, and we’re hopeful the two factions can move past the divisions generated by a hard-fought campaign.

The main focus of our conversation was housing. At a recent Theater of Public Policy event hosted by Danger Boat Productions, we watched Mayor Frey and Council President Payne discuss their positions on a range of city topics, and we were intrigued by the concept of social housing that Payne raised. It’s a concept with a shifting definition, but it remains a solution for housing affordability favored by many on the left end of the political spectrum. Seattle is experimenting with the idea: people across a range of incomes stay in the same housing complex, each paying a percentage of their income rather than a fixed rent. The city’s first foray into this model is the Elara at the Market apartments in Belltown, where 150 units were purchased by the Seattle Social Housing Developer. The Seattle Times describes the project this way:

Unlike traditional affordable housing, social housing includes tenants at a wide range of income levels in the same buildings. Popular in Europe, the goal is to subsidize more affordable rents for low-income renters, reduce economic segregation, and keep the buildings affordable forever.

Seattle has one of the most expensive housing markets in the country, with the median home price over $850,000. For those first 150 units, the city received more than 10,000 applications. While social housing holds some promise, it’s one tool among many that are needed; demand for affordable housing is far outpacing the current pace of building. Payne likes the concept because it gives local communities more control over housing, rather than leaving them dependent on federal funding.

Whether public or private, housing must be inspected and maintained, which failed to happen at the Heritage Park housing project. Payne and I discuss what occurred there and what still needs to happen to ensure residents are treated with dignity. So far, the city has spent $2.5 million diverted from the Affordable Housing Trust Fund to relocate residents, and the final total remains unknown. A review of what happened is coming, and possibly reforms as a result, but for now Payne is focused on centering the people affected by the housing’s decline.

It’s budget season, and there are many opinions on how close Mayor Frey came to getting it right with his proposal. Council Member Payne and other council members are questioning whether more can be done to trim the Minneapolis Police Department’s budget, which they see as a significant driver of rising costs. To close budget gaps, Frey is proposing the consolidation of some departments, including merging the Human Resources and IT functions of the Minneapolis Parks and Recreation Board with the city’s. The next step in the process is for the Board of Estimate & Taxation to set the maximum property tax levy. Payne sits on this board, as does the mayor, and it will be interesting to see where they land. MPRB President Tom Olsen, whom we interviewed previously, is also a member, and we expect to hear further debate over the difficult choices ahead.

Our conversation concluded with a focus on Payne’s Northeast ward. He highlighted the Central Avenue reconstruction and the push for an Arts District walk. Public Works will need to replace the historic bricks along Quincy Avenue, but it sounded like Payne is working to preserve the neighborhood’s charm and character.

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Literary Note

One of my favorite authors, Marlon James, has a new book out called The Disappearers. The New York Times review called it a “masterpiece” and described it as a story of gay experience and murderous homophobia in Jamaica that amounts to “a maximalist’s banquet.” James isn’t for the faint of heart. We discovered him through his Booker Prize–winning A Brief History of Seven Killings. The reviewer, Dwight Garner, has written for the Times for almost three decades, and this book stands out even for him. He expects James to win the Pulitzer Prize at some point. If that praise isn’t enough, maybe it will interest local readers to know Macalester College hired James in 2007 to teach English, and he became a professor emeritus there in 2023. I envy those who got to take one of his classes. In addition to the Man Booker Prize in 2015, he’s received the Minnesota Book Award for Fiction in 2010 and 2015, and the Dayton Literary Peace Prize in 2010.

At over 600 pages, the book will take time, but we’re committed to both starting and finishing it, though we might have to clear the calendar to make it happen.

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The MPRB budget calls for a 5.86% levy increase, which Olsen describes as a “keep the lights on” budget. Mayor Frey has proposed a 2.5% increase, along with consolidating departments such as HR and payroll between the city and the parks. In its newsletter, the park board said the mayor’s proposal could lead to the layoff of as many as 26 staff members. The newsletter also cites internal data showing that park board HR and IT staff operate at a much lower cost than their city counterparts, meaning any savings from consolidation would likely be minimal.

By contrast, while the mayor has said the city will reduce staff by more than 100 positions, the actual net change for next year is only seven fewer employees. Olsen is one of many people reviewing each line of the mayor’s proposed budget for overspending and waste. As one example, he points to the city assessor’s office, which has a $7 million budget and, he argues, duplicates work the county could handle instead.

There are several reasons to expect this year’s budget negotiations to be tougher than in years past. Chief among them, many city councilors and residents feel the city has done a poor job managing the Minneapolis Police Department’s budget; unaccounted-for overtime has repeatedly been cited as a sign of insufficient budget oversight. Other, more structural challenges exist as well. Economic growth has slowed, commercial vacancies remain high, and tax collections from those properties have fallen. As revenue has declined, city services and costs have continued to rise. Closing that gap will require either meaningful spending cuts or new revenue. According to Mayor Frey’s office, the gap stands at $70 million, and an 11.3% tax levy is needed to help close it. Over the next few months, we plan to examine the range of proposals brought forward to address this shortfall.

Toward the end of the interview, we discussed a few park-specific issues. I asked about the closure of the Minnehaha off-leash dog park, an issue close to many dog owners’ hearts. It’s hard to imagine finding an alternative that captures what made that space special. Olsen asked that dog owners contact the MPRB directly with what mattered most to them about the park.

We also discussed this year’s unusually high number of beach closures. Olsen linked the elevated E. coli levels in city lakes to climate change and goose droppings, but noted that the park board is working with the Minnehaha Creek Watershed District to address the problem.

Interview Summary

Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board President Tom Olsen sat down to walk through this year’s budget fight, which pits the Park Board’s request for a 5.86% levy increase against Mayor Frey’s proposed 2.5%. Olsen explained that the Board’s request is a “keep the lights on” budget driven mostly by fixed costs: cost-of-living raises, rising healthcare expenses, the state’s paid family and medical leave program, and staffing needs for new facilities like North Commons and Upper Harbor Terminal. He pushed back on the mayor’s argument that merging Park Board functions like HR and IT into the city would save money, pointing to internal cost comparisons showing the Board’s in-house teams are cheaper per employee than the city’s, and citing a past ransomware attack as evidence of the value of specialized IT staff. He raised a comparable example in the other direction, the city’s own assessor’s office, which he said duplicates work the county already handles for most other municipalities.

Olsen also situated the local fight within a larger pattern of funding pressure moving downhill from the federal government to states, counties, and cities, arguing that Minneapolis and Hennepin County are absorbing costs that should be covered elsewhere. He pointed to a state fund for regional parks and trails that he says shortchanges Minneapolis relative to what statute calls for, and floated new revenue ideas the Board is exploring, including billboard leases on underused land, a dedicated license plate fund, and a larger initiative still under wraps that would require political capital at the State Capitol. The Board might consider potential long-term uses for land it owns outside Minneapolis, such as Meadowbrook Golf Course, as a way to seed an endowment.

On specific parks, Olsen addressed the closure of Minnehaha Park’s longstanding off-leash dog area, explaining that the original approval skipped required archaeological review and misjudged the property’s boundaries, with cultural and environmental concerns now driving a search for alternative sites. He also discussed a rise in beach closures tied to E. coli, attributing it to climate change, lower water levels, and goose activity, while noting ongoing restoration work with the Minnehaha Creek Watershed District. Looking ahead, the levy fight moves to a public BET hearing in early September, followed by a vote and final approval through the City Council and mayor, with Olsen encouraging residents who value the park system to weigh in during that process.

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The difficult part of writing this newsletter is that we consume an inordinate amount of social media and “news” as we try to understand the zeitgeist of the city and its residents. It’s unhealthy, and we know it. Judging by the conversations we read, we’re not the only people in the city who spin into a stupor because of it. The number of content creators has grown exponentially, and they’re competing for attention. Often the quickest way to get it is by manufacturing controversy or trying to be the meanest or snarkiest commentator in the room. It turns out you have to be extremely petty and cruel to distinguish yourself in this morass of noise and outrage.

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Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey is a frequent target of this outrage. It doesn’t matter what he does; there will be an unhinged wave of protest and mockery. The great ideal of social media bringing us together has proven false. Now anyone, no matter how unwell or unstable, can start a channel and blast the public with hateful rhetoric. There is always an audience for outrage, conspiracy, and mockery.

The latest attack on Frey, of which we’ve seen numerous versions, is over his dancing at the Black Entrepreneurial State Fair. Online commentators have been all over it, and it’s even shown up in national news outlets. What we find telling is the contrast: the NY Post refers to him as “leftist Mayor Frey,” while local commentators call him an “authoritarian” and a “fascist,” language usually reserved for describing Trump. It’s an impossible gauntlet we’ve created for politicians. We want them to be “authentic,” yet if they do anything that resembles spontaneity, they’re skewered for it.

What got lost in this latest fit of mockery is that Frey was promoting exactly what many on the left say they want more of: Black opportunity and Black-owned businesses. Whoever the mayor is, you want them to be the city’s biggest advocate. You want a mayor who loves the city and spends every day promoting it across the country. While those with Frey Derangement Syndrome are busy attacking him, the city and region are falling behind. They act as though attracting jobs and people to the area isn’t important. It is.

There is serious work to be done if Minneapolis is going to avoid a downward spiral. We are growing at less than the national average. A report from GreaterMSP on our economic vitality shows that if we had kept pace with the national average, each household would be earning an additional $9,000 a year. A few findings deserve attention:

• Workers earning a family-sustaining wage: ranked 36th out of the top 50 metros

• 8th grade students achieving math standards: 21% of Black students, 20% of Hispanic students

• Median cost of childcare: $20,592, ranked 39th

• New business establishments per 1,000 residents: ranked 43rd

• Yearly job growth: 0.6%, ranked 35th

• Top-tier corporate tax rate: 9.8%, ranked 50th of 50

The Portland Paradigm

Friday, we spoke with Andrew Hoan, president of the Portland Chamber of Commerce. Like Minneapolis, Portland has a tremendous amount going for it, especially if you enjoy parks and the outdoors. At the same time, the city is struggling on several fronts, including commercial vacancies and new business creation. Portland has gone from being a high-flying economic engine to one that will require an enormous amount of hustle to bring back. The lesson Hoan tried to impart was that a city can’t rely on what it once was. It has to adapt to current circumstances, and it has to work hard to stay competitive.

Lampooning leaders has its place. We enjoy the way Colin Jost portrays Pete Hegseth. By taking on the job of mayor, Jacob Frey made himself a legitimate target for criticism. But the relentless attacks tend toward the personal, and they seem to be a distraction from what must be the overarching goal: moving the city forward. Minneapolis must establish its identity. It can’t be known for anarchy and strife if it wants to attract businesses and start growing again. Household budgets are down $9,000 because of our lack of focus. For a few households, that money won’t be noticed, but for the rest of us, it translates into childcare, groceries, housing, and transportation. It means part-time jobs becoming full-time. It means being able to find a job in the first place. Those jobs pay the taxes that fund public housing and substance abuse treatment. They fund our parks and schools and keep the lakes clean.

Post what you will, but ask yourself: is what you’re doing helping the city? We need Black entrepreneurs. We need a variety of people willing to take risks on the city and this community. If what you’re posting is motivated by a genuine desire to see Minneapolis thrive, we support you. Otherwise, go to the fair, or a restaurant, or the park.

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Lessons Learned

1. Immigration

Voting for the Laken Riley Act was a mistake Craig was unable to explain away. The vote tied her to Trump and to the trauma inflicted by Operation Metro Surge. People protested her events over it, and when she appeared before media, they asked her repeatedly to account for the vote. The race would have been much closer had she voted against the act. Flanagan used the issue like a dagger, cutting through any explanation Craig offered.

2. Bold Positions Are No Longer Intimidating

Conventional campaign wisdom held that Craig’s more centrist views would play better outstate. It now appears that even Democrats outside the Twin Cities are willing to risk a U.S. Senate seat to elect someone they see as more of an antagonist to Trump and the status quo. The level of frustration in the state runs deeper than mainstream Democratic consultants understood. Rather than timid progress on quality-of-life issues like health care, voters want bold change. Craig helped lower the cost of insulin, a real achievement, but one with limited impact on the overall market. Advocating for Medicare for All, even without a clear account of how it would work, signals the kind of major change voters are looking for.

3. Politicians Must Build Community Like Church Leaders

The DFL Party as an organization remains a vehicle for community and belonging. The party may not resemble what it was ten years ago, but like a church with a new pastor, people keep showing up for service. The Craig campaign skipped the state convention, and more importantly, it failed to grasp the importance of the camaraderie that an authentic, door-knocking, picnicking, socially engaged campaign offers, especially to younger volunteers with the time and confidence to take to the streets and social media. Craig’s campaign recalled Andrew Cuomo’s run for New York mayor: well-funded, especially by outside groups and establishment Democrats, but lacking enthusiasm in the trenches. When a consultant walks into a room full of donors with a data presentation on how the campaign can win, they drown out the voices of the many people willing to donate hours of their lives simply because they like the candidate. No amount of money replaces the neighborhood text chain, the park barbecue, or the personal social media post shared by a voter who feels compelled to get involved.

4. Do Not Accept AIPAC Money

Finally, as we saw with Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, a Democrat cannot win in a progressive state while carrying any association with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). El-Sayed ran as the anti-AIPAC candidate. Association with AIPAC proved to be a red line for progressive voters that no amount of TV advertising could wash away. MinnPost reported on April 20:

Democrats are grappling with their support for Israel, with many rejecting campaign money from pro-Israel groups and that Angie Craig is among the lawmakers caught up in her party’s shifting attitudes.

Since she first ran for Congress in 2018, Craig’s campaign has received more than $800,000 in money linked to AIPAC.

A MinnPost analysis of Federal Election Commission (FEC) filings found that of that money, $400,400 was raised through the pro-Israel group in the months before she announced her bid for retiring Sen. Tina Smith’s seat a year ago.

Summary

There are certainly other reasons for Flanagan’s victory, but we believe these are at the core. If centrist Democrats continue to run Cuomo-style campaigns that ignore or dismiss what the progressive wing of the party wants, they will keep losing primaries to candidates embracing bold ideas. Low-budget campaigns built on door-knocking, community, opposition to Trump and ICE, and distance from Israel are winning. Peggy Flanagan now represents the Minnesota DFL. The challenge ahead is for her campaign to sustain that enthusiasm, bring the Craig camp into the fold, and keep Republicans from defining her as a communist sympathizer who let fraud flourish in the state.

One point Craig raised strikes us as accurate: if Flanagan believed the Craig campaign was unfair in its advertising, she should brace for something far worse once Republicans launch their campaigns against her. As Republicans have shown again and again, there's no bottom to how low they'll go.

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A recurring question for us is why the city seems to get blamed for everything that goes wrong, even when much of what draws attention is actually a county responsibility. For example, city council members are exploring Safe Outdoor Spaces, a program modeled on one in Duluth that would let people sleep in a designated area in their cars. That kind of program could be seen as the city stepping into the county’s role. Hennepin County already spends 26.8% of its budget on human services for vulnerable residents and another 21.2% on health care programs, including Hennepin County Medical Center.

Homeless outreach, street-level violence outreach, Youth Group Violence Intervention, the Next Step Program, and Community Violence Prevention Services are all county programs, yet Minneapolis seems to duplicate many of these efforts. Still, when a problem arises, people rarely think to write to their county commissioner, let alone to Hennepin County Administrator Jodi Wentland. Most residents don’t realize there’s an unelected mayoral equivalent overseeing a budget even larger than the city’s.

The county administrator is appointed by the seven county commissioners and runs the county’s day-to-day operations. Instead of a mayor-council system, the county uses a board of commissioners-administrator arrangement.

Wentland may well be doing a fine job; it’s hard for us to say. We don’t have the resources to follow county politics as closely as we’d like. But a few recent stories caught our attention. First, the Hennepin County library system is limiting staff hours even as usage is up. Library Director Scott Duimstra announced the planned cuts last Thursday as the system works to close a $5 million budget gap.

The library cuts are harder to accept set against the $2.25 billion in additional funding the county has approved for the Blue Line light-rail extension, and the county is reportedly asking the Metropolitan Council for additional funding to cover a shortfall. Many residents are also familiar with the serious financial losses at Hennepin County Medical Center this past year, which required state support to stay open.

It adds up to a pattern: huge projects, huge budgets, and unless you’re following closely and digging into the stories, you probably have no idea who’s making these decisions. You didn’t vote on them. All 17 members of the Metropolitan Council are appointed by the governor, meaning that if you care about regional planning, transit, and infrastructure across the seven-county metro area, your best channel of influence is understanding the philosophy and priorities of whoever holds that office.

This week, all eyes will be on the results of the August 11 primary. Among county commissioner races, Districts 2 and 3 have competitive fields; no one is running against Angela Conley in District 4. Once the primary and the mayor’s budget are behind us, Better Minneapolis plans to reach out to Jodi Wentland. We’d like a fuller picture of how she views the role, her governing principles, and what her next budget is likely to include.

For context: the library’s budget is roughly $40 million, or about 1.3% of the county’s $3.15 billion total budget. A $5 million cut represents a 12.5% reduction to that specific budget. We’re watching to see what other resident services may be asked to scale back next.

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If the polls taken in Minnesota since January 2026 are to be believed, Representative Angie Craig is in a tough race to win the DFL primary for U.S. Senate on August 11. North Star Dawn PAC, arguably the poll most favorable to Craig, showed her with a one-point advantage over Flanagan in May. KSTP found Craig with a five-point advantage in June, but its follow-up survey in July showed the candidates even. The polls associated with Flanagan’s campaign put her up anywhere from 7 to 14 points.

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Polls can be deceiving. In Michigan, Abdul El-Sayed won his primary over Representative Haley Stevens by a much smaller margin than polls predicted. The question now is whether a similar dynamic plays out here, with a more left-leaning Flanagan, like El-Sayed, edging out the more centrist Craig.

What we find most troubling about this race, and to a lesser extent the Hennepin County Attorney’s race, is the level of animosity on display on social media. Whichever candidate you support, the opponent is cast as a complete poser, unworthy of respect or consideration. Our politics, even within the same party, have strayed far from the days when disagreement was possible around the edges of policy. Everything is treated as existential. No pressure, but if you listen to the breathless declarations online, our entire democracy is at stake in this battle of left-of-center versus more left-of-center.

According to the Cook Political Report, the Minnesota Senate seat remains “Likely D.” Whoever wins the primary is likely to become the state’s next U.S. Senator, one vote out of 100. If Democrats can’t flip a few seats elsewhere, that single vote won’t change much. Many observers believe El-Sayed is unlikely to win the general election in Michigan, which would all but assure Republican control of the Senate. Whether Craig or Flanagan represents Minnesota, their impact on the national scene will likely be far less significant than the rhetoric surrounding the race suggests. What does seem certain is that the DFL will remain split, and that the ugly interparty politics playing out in the state will continue.

Two-Front War

Jonathan Chait, writing in The Atlantic, describes the situation within the Democratic Party in his article “Liberals Are Now Fighting a Two-Front War.” According to Chait, El-Sayed’s victory is a serious setback for centrist Democrats, one they need to absorb quickly or risk becoming irrelevant within the party.

He frames the rise of the party’s left wing this way:

the greatest challenge for mainstream liberals is winning the substantive argument with the left. That’s inherently difficult, because within any political party, the more extreme faction can appeal to ideological purity without worrying about the opinions of voters outside the party. Democratic socialism, for instance, is unpopular with the American public as a whole, yet it draws approval from roughly three-quarters of Democrats. As a result, Democratic Party moderates who have good reason to oppose socialism have a hard time convincing partisans who show up to vote in primaries to feel the same way.

Chait draws a comparison to the internal disputes that helped propel Trump to the presidency within the Republican Party. His conclusion:

What left-wing insurgents such as El-Sayed and Piker want is to take over the Democratic Party, a goal that gets easier when traditional liberals flee it. Carville’s wing of the party is being out-strategized by an insurgent faction that has shrewdly exploited the weaknesses of the party’s leadership. The soundest course of action for mainstream liberals is to recognize how and why they have been losing, and learn how to fight smarter and harder.

We tend to agree with Chait’s conclusions. The Democratic Party’s internal battles are a real weakness, one with implications for its national prospects. If centrists on their heels can’t articulate a platform that pulls the party together, that bodes poorly for winning the Senate or the presidency in 2028.

Minnesota faces significant challenges of its own. We are working to rebuild our main economic engine, Minneapolis, and yet each election cycle seems to make it harder to align goals and direct resources where they’re needed. School and city budgets are strained. Our economy is showing signs of slowing. Right now, we need elected leaders who prioritize competent, steady leadership over personal ambition, with a mindset focused on solving our most complex problems. Keeping the DFL intact is only one item on that list.

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During our recent trip out West, several elected officials told us they want to improve their cities’ reputations. They were frustrated that the media fixates on the negative. As people who consider ourselves loosely part of the media, we understand the impulse. “If it bleeds, it leads” is still very much how the news works, and it may be getting worse as more outlets compete for the same shrinking attention. But even if the media is biased toward violence and officials' mistakes, and even if that bias breeds distrust, government still isn't off the hook for giving the public accurate information. Politicians and PR firms go to great lengths to manage public opinion, and that effort is part of what feeds the distrust in the first place. Building a good reputation is harder in this environment, but no less important.

Across the river, St. Paul’s new mayor, Kaohly Her, is trying to explain away sexually explicit conduct and convince residents she should stay in office. Meanwhile, Minneapolis is now competing with Seattle for a new police chief, after Chief O’Hara’s resignation dealt a blow to both our reform efforts and our reputation as a well-run city. Mayor Her’s actions and Wilson’s do more than damage their own personal brands. They damage the cities they lead.

Minneapolis has its own version of this problem. The mass shootings that keep happening here, with unnerving regularity, leave an impression that reaches well beyond the metro area. They reinforce the story suburban residents already tell themselves about the city: one more reason to eat close to home or skip a show downtown. The city is working hard to promote its arts and music scene to draw people in, and each incident undercuts that work. To be fair, our officials have communicated far better than Mayor Wilson did in Seattle, though that may just be a sign of how much practice they’ve had.

The Similarities

Minneapolis, St. Paul, Seattle, Portland, and San Francisco are all blue cities trying to recover from Covid, social unrest, and an economy that no longer needs downtown offices full of workers. In that sense, their reputations are linked. When companies decide where to locate, they look for cities that are well run and welcoming, clean, safe, and equipped with good schools. Being a “progressive” city has to mean being a city with programs that actually work. If a mayor’s answer to drug use and homelessness is a research paper, that’s a failure. Research stops mattering to someone stepping over an unconscious body on the sidewalk or the train. Families weighing a move to Minneapolis might see our weak schools and expensive childcare and look elsewhere.

Minneapolis and its peer cities are competing for business against places like Dallas, Charlotte, and Nashville. To keep up, we need to work much harder at building a reputation as a city that is safe, effective, and open for business. We aren’t there yet. When you have to convince outsiders your city is safe despite the shootings and the encampments, you’re already digging out of a hole.

What’s at Stake on August 11

Readers of this newsletter tend to be more politically engaged than most, and many understand that the August 11 primary will send a message about the kind of leadership Minnesota and Hennepin County want for the next four to six years. Some voters will want to send a signal that we remain a “progressive” state, and for many of these races, that has come to mean how loudly a candidate opposes Trump. Others will be more focused on finding capable leaders with the experience to do the job well and build a reputation for competence.

Danny Westneat wrote about what is occurring in a recent column about Seattle, and it applies just as much here:

“The establishment really has fubared a lot of stuff, so the impulse to sack them is understandable. But politics and governing remain unique, demanding skills. It’s not like running a business or an activist group, as we are seeing play out in real time. Boring question, then, after a tumultuous week: Is it too much to ask for stuff just to work?”

When it comes to the basics, like clean and safe streets, people want results. That doesn’t mean trading compassion for cruelty. It means voters want leaders who share their priorities and have the experience and judgment to actually deliver.

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The model stopped working as donations slowed. The owner and staff are taking a fresh look at their payment model during the hiatus. Their experiment was unique and remarkable in many ways. They served thousands of meals to hungry people.

While many people have focused on this change as an example of the limits of socialism, we want to add that it is part of an emerging trend, one where people are reasserting the need for public order in their communities. When the café began to attract people who failed to respect the surrounding community, support for the project floundered. Neighbors spoke of open drug use on corners, overdoses, used syringes, human feces, thefts, and fights. The experiment in donation-based payments resulted in neighbors feeling unsafe and general chaos.

Sunday, shortly before 12:30 a.m., nine people were shot outside the Reign nightclub in Uptown. Public outcry and frustration boiled over. The Uptown community is working hard to build on its revitalization. A mass shooting at one of its busiest intersections is the last thing they needed. That same night five people were shot on the 1800 block of Nicollet Avenue South, an area the city seems to have given up on and now allows drug dealers to operate there with impunity.

In St. Paul, the Pig’s Eye Park encampment is set to be removed August 5. It has over 100 people living in tents. Mayor Her is hopeful that the advance warning will allow people staying in the encampment sufficient time to seek out services and leave before city workers show up.

A common thread runs through all of these events: people favor a compassionate response when people are in need, but there are limits to how much public disorder they are willing to accept.

West Coast Observations

These local flashpoints are part of a pattern we saw echoed on our recent trip west. David Therkelsen and Terry White have returned from their fact-finding mission to the West Coast. We’ll be writing about our findings in the coming weeks. Those stories will be published on the Minneapolistimes.com website. We were able to record a podcast with several Seattle journalists. You can listen to that conversation here.

The reasons why each of these cities has struggled with drug addiction, the unhoused, and economic revitalization are complex. There are both similarities and differences in the resources at their disposal, resident attitudes, and progress toward their goals. A common theme was that these problems need to be addressed differently than they might have been 10 years ago. One important reason for this change is the power and addictiveness of the latest fentanyl and synthetic crystal meth. These drugs are manufactured in Mexico and travel directly up I-5. It is the main north-south interstate, and it runs 1,381 miles from the Mexico border up through Washington State. As the drug formulas have changed, the path to serious addiction has quickened. Treatment methods that might have worked for heroin or cocaine a decade ago are simply not up to the current crisis. After billions have been spent by California, Oregon, and Washington to address the onslaught of these drugs and homelessness, people are ready to support leaders willing to embrace new methods. These are still very liberal places, with liberal leaders, including the socialist Katie Wilson, mayor of Seattle, but they are recognizing, as both Mayor Frey and Mayor Her seem to be, that the previous system of tolerance without consequences is due for a reset.

Conclusion

Similar to the reset occurring at the post-Modern Café, cities must look anew at the intersection of housing, drug addiction, and crime. Time and again we heard from people who have come in direct contact with drug addiction who believed the old approaches were insufficient. More so than policymakers, it was the people on the front lines, the ones staffing shelters, or cleaning up trash in the parks, or who had a family member taken from them that were the most fervent about the need for more intervention and accountability.

The dilemma of balancing tolerance and accountability was summed up for me when I traveled to a small town south of Seattle called Tukwila. The leader of We Heart Seattle invited me to listen to what residents had to say as they debated whether to ban unauthorized public camping. Many cities are turning to these bans since the 2024 U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Grants Pass v. Johnson, which granted municipalities the authority to enforce public camping regulations. On July 20, the council voted 4-3 to enact a ban. Proponents felt the police needed the tool even if it wasn’t used. Opponents believed that it criminalized homelessness rather than providing adequate housing solutions.

One of the people who testified was Patrick, a 61-year-old Army veteran and engineer. I spoke to him outside the townhall where he smoked cigarettes through yellowed teeth. The conversation took place as the sky darkened and we were surrounded by massive western red cedars over 1,000 years old. Unshaven and dressed in a rumpled, careless manner, he proceeded to tell me the many standard reasons why he supported the ban. What stuck with me was his account of his sister. His family had spent $250,000 on rehab, and yet it hadn’t been enough. She had died of an overdose, and the experience traumatized the family. He fought to hold back tears as he explained that incarceration might have saved her. In less than twenty minutes, he’d gone from a somewhat unsympathetic figure to one whose pain stayed with me. I hoped he could come to terms with what he carried.

Patrick’s story was one of several we heard during our trip, each ending with a tragedy. It seemed that the families and front line workers closest to the unhoused were the most passionate advocates for changing the system. The problem, they agreed, is more complex than simply providing more housing. Housing alone isn’t keeping people from overdosing; they advocate for a more diverse range of housing, and more robust treatment programs as a requirement for extended housing support. This trend toward accountability wasn’t the product of coldness or a new fervor for “tough on drugs” policies. It was coming from those who had either experienced drug addiction themselves or watched someone close to them suffer from it.

As we discuss the facts and figures and policies of our research in subsequent articles, I hope readers keep in mind the picture of Patrick and his cigarettes and those hulking, silent western red cedars. What’s happening in Minneapolis and around the country, in cities big and small, is a growing recognition that a reset is needed. We’re learning that a compassionate response to drug addiction and homelessness can include guardrails and limitations.

Public order and strong communities are the product of consistency and fairness. If we want to be a city where people choose to raise their families, and where our sons and daughters return after they graduate or explore the world, it requires that we are intentional about how we use our resources and where we set limits. When people consider moving to Minneapolis, or investing here, we want them to see a strong, healthy community. At the core of what must change is an understanding of the current situation. Beneath the statistics on growth, taxes, transportation, and demographics, a city’s fate rests on whether its residents believe they and their families have social stability and economic opportunity ahead. Now is the time to decide whether Minneapolis will be a city of the past, or one ready for today’s challenges.

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Minneapolis City Council Member Michael Rainville (Ward 3) joined me this week to discuss a few of the recent issues to come before the council: drones, the Heritage Park housing emergency, the upcoming budget battles, and the current dynamics of the council itself.

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The prevalence of last-minute amendments that sometimes overwhelm city staff and council members reflects the relative inexperience of leadership. He talks about why the Lyndale Avenue project stalled for five years despite broad agreement on goals. He explains what happened at Heritage Park, where 636 residents lost their homes when a developer abandoned the property and the city’s oversight systems failed. And he makes the case for the drone pilot program, which he believes could save lives.

Rainville also describes the harder truths: downtown property tax revenue has collapsed by $54 million since 2022. Police are drastically understaffed. Every household in Minneapolis is about to see property taxes jump unless the city makes tough cuts. And some of the loudest voices in these debates don’t always represent the people most affected.

What emerges is a picture of a city trying to solve big problems with broken processes and divided leadership.

Interview Summary:

Process Issues

We begin with a discussion of some of the routine process challenges, such as multiple amendments with last-minute changes, confusion over what’s being voted on, and inconsistent adherence to established decorum.

Lyndale Avenue & Road Redesign

The controversial Hennepin County road project has dragged on for five years and seen tens of thousands of public comments. While the goal of walkable, safer communities is admirable, Rainville expresses concern that small business owners, who have real money at stake, feel unheard and disrespected. He cites advocates booing a business owner during meetings and notes that if these businesses fail, large chains will consolidate control of neighborhoods, ultimately reducing walkability. The county should provide business support similar to what it’s offering Blue Line extension businesses.

Drone Pilot Program

Rainville strongly supported a 75-day drone pilot for emergency response (no cost to the city). He argues drones are already used successfully in major cities (New York, Philadelphia, Atlanta, Denver) and provide faster response times (60 seconds vs. 7 minutes for police). The pilot could have gathered crucial data on effectiveness, but it was rejected due to what he calls “governing on fear” rather than facts—opposition focused on distrust of police and government rather than on drone technology itself.

Heritage Park Housing Crisis

A for-profit developer (McCormack Baron Salazar) allowed this housing project to become mold-infested and unlivable. Multiple city entities and the developer failed to address the deteriorating conditions. Rainville praises Council Member Pearl Warren for taking responsibility and pushing accountability. The new Emergency Services Director has expertise managing major crises.

HERC Incinerator & Waste Management

City staff analysis shows that while burning trash creates some air pollutants, transporting trash to distant landfills via truck is a costlier alternative and may create more pollution. Methane from landfills is seven times worse than carbon emissions from burning. The facility closes in 2030; the city must develop a recycling plan with county and state coordination before then. Increased recycling was identified as key to reducing pollution.

Public Safety Concerns

Crime remains elevated, with weekend shootings now normalized. Minneapolis police are critically understaffed (600 officers vs. 900 in 2020), with 80 officers having under 18 months of experience. Behavioral Crisis Response and violence interrupters show promise but need better data on effectiveness. Rainville supports the mayor’s new enforcement approach against open-air drug markets, noting that community leaders, especially Native American elders, oppose encampments. He emphasizes that public drug use and transit safety issues are deterring residents from using public transportation.

Budget Crisis

The city faces serious fiscal strain. Downtown property tax revenue has dropped $54 million since its 2022 peak, driving property tax increases on residents. A business-as-usual budget would require a 13% increase, which Rainville calls unacceptable. In two previous cycles, he advocated for across-the-board cuts of 2% to 5% rather than department-by-department negotiation. Just as every household is tightening its budget during economic hardship, he feels the city should do the same.

Council Collaboration

An external Wisconsin firm is facilitating council cohesion efforts. Rainville notes that divisions stem largely from experience levels—some members bring significant professional background, while others lack business or management experience. Recent coaching sessions have shown modest progress, with agreements to communicate privately and avoid public disparagement, though several members seem disinclined to participate.

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Thursday’s city council meeting was difficult to predict. Ward 10 Council Member Aisha Chughtai was on medical leave, leaving the council with 12 members present. Her absence may have pressured Ward 6 Council Member Jamal Osman to reconsider his vote on the Skydio drone pilot measure he co-authored with Ward 4 Council Member Latrisha Vetaw. Between co-authoring and Thursday’s vote, Osman decided Skydio’s client base was unacceptable. His vote against his own measure resulted in a 6-6 tie, which meant it did not pass.

Skydio

Vetaw introduced the pilot as an alternative policing method her Ward 4 constituents wanted. After 2.5 years of work, the pilot would cost nothing for 75 days while the city assessed data—with no clarity on pricing afterward. Two police-operated drones would respond to the most serious 911 calls (Tier 0 & 1). Of 33,000 Ward 4 calls in 2025, over 5,000 could have had drone first responders. For half the council, possible lives saved outweighed privacy and abuse risks. Jacob Frey made a rare chamber appearance to support the pilot, saying the “people of Minneapolis shouldn’t be collateral damage for geopolitical concerns.” Rainville noted a drone might have saved Officer Mitchell’s life. Shaffer highlighted rapid Narcan delivery and faster response to lake distress calls. Voting yes: Vetaw, Warren, Whiting, Rainville, Shaffer, and Palmisano.

Opposition was passionate. Beyond surveillance concerns over peaceful protests, suspicion centered on Skydio itself. The company holds contracts with the Israeli Defense Force and ICE/DHS. Osman explained his reversal by referencing Palestinian children killed by the IDF. Another factor was distrust of the MPD. Chowdhury and Wonsley worried internal procedures would fail to prevent abuse and said the MPD has a poor track record of holding officers accountable (Facebook surveillance was cited as an example). Chavez referenced a lawsuit against Skydio in Chula Vista, CA. Voting no: Chavez, Wonsley, Payne, Stevenson, Chowdhury, and Osman.

Were it not for Skydio’s contracts with the IDF and DHS, this pilot likely passes. Other cities nationwide and in Minnesota use Skydio for first responder programs. The debate raised important questions: What data proves effectiveness? What would count as success? The discussion revealed the MPD already operates drones with a trained operator unit in place. If they have the equipment and expertise, why Skydio? Why now? The MPD might be able to proceed with its own first responder program.

Heritage Park Relocation

This topic received detailed coverage during Tuesday’s Committee of the Whole. Few questions were asked, but controversy remained. Wonsley pushed for approval of a measure requiring a memo outlining ways to recoup the $2.5 million drawn from the Affordable Housing Trust Fund for relocating 686 residents. Warren opposed the memo, wanting focus on helping residents rather than parceling out blame. Yet Warren herself blamed Public Housing Authority Director Abdi Warsame. (The NAACP has called for his termination.)

The council approved both: funding and a memo on cost recovery. Emergency Management Director Rachel Sayre explained the relocation process. As of yesterday, the Heritage Park Coordination Group was established to coordinate efforts across departments and government levels. The relocation is being treated as an emergency—the first major test for Sayre since her June 26 confirmation. She told the council the effort exceeds one department’s capacity. The funding vote was 12-0.

Lyndale Avenue Reconstruction

On another day, this measure would have dominated. It passed 8-4, opposed by Warren, Shaffer, Rainville, and Vetaw. The county plan was adopted: bike lanes, reduced parking, removed trees. Amendments passed aimed to reduce construction impact, including extended work hours. Chowdhury advocated for “whimsy” like a “beers with bulldozers” program to keep the area vital during construction. She said construction needn’t become the area’s death knell. Business owners, represented by Shaffer, disagreed. No dedicated funding exists to help corridor businesses survive. Wonsley noted $900,000 allocated for Hennepin Avenue businesses went unspent.

The timeline proved decisive. Federal funds require a finalized plan by June 2027. Chavez and others flagged the risk to that funding. Warren raised operational concerns. She said emergency vehicles struggle when traffic backs up (the Annunciation shooting illustrates the problem). Others felt the design addresses these issues. Construction won’t begin until 2028, but business owners will likely seek exits starting today. Lyndale appears headed for Hennepin’s fate.

Final Thoughts

Council divisions continue to harden and seem to be a microcosm of larger Democratic Party friction. Those voting for the drone pilot likely support Representative Angie Craig for Senate; opponents favor Lt. Governor Peggy Flanagan. Both candidates are spending millions on negative advertising ahead of August 11’s primary. Whether they can unite afterward remains unclear.

The council mirrors this dynamic: resentment and mistrust persist despite coaching and counseling. If this fracture scales to the state level, the party emerges weaker. Fortunately for Minnesota Democrats, the Republican Party is in even worse shape.

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Today, Wednesday July 15, I spoke with Enrique Velazquez, Minneapolis Director of Regulatory Services about the response to homelessness, encampments, open-air drug markets, and the city’s evolving strategy for getting people into safer, more stable housing.

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In this interview, we cover five big points.

First, the city says it is currently tracking 53 encampment-related sites, hotspots, and vehicle locations, with roughly 400 people observed across them — though officials stress that not everyone counted is necessarily unsheltered.

Second, we discuss how the city’s homeless response team works with Hennepin County and service providers, especially under the mayor’s newer policy aimed at coordinating outreach with public safety efforts around open-air drug markets.

Third, we get into the controversy over fencing around public spaces, including areas near Cedar and Hiawatha. The city says fencing is not its preferred solution, but sometimes becomes a temporary tool when other approaches fail to restore safety, access, and livability.

Fourth, we look at harm reduction and public health, including the striking figure that roughly 11,000 doses of Narcan have been distributed through city vending machines — separate from what police, fire, and other responders carry.

Finally, we talk about what might come next: safe outdoor parking spaces, barriers to shelter use, the Heritage Park housing crisis, and whether Minneapolis can actually reduce unsheltered homelessness over time.

The message from the city is cautiously optimistic: homelessness is not unsolvable, but it will require sustained investment, better coordination, and a focus not only on moving people out of homelessness, but preventing them from becoming homeless in the first place.

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Immediate Action

On July 16, the city council will vote on allocating $2.5 million from the Minneapolis Affordable Housing Trust Fund to relocate 212 households or approximately 685 residents.

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The Instigator

Ward 5 Council Member Pearll Warren toured Heritage Park, documented the mold, collapsed roofs, and unsafe living conditions with her cell phone, and posted the video to social media. What followed was swift action, not out of responsibility, but out of embarrassment. The Minneapolis NAACP is now demanding the resignation or termination of Minneapolis Public Housing Authority (MPHA) Executive Director Abdi Warsame. On July 16, the city council will decide whether to move $2.5 million from the Affordable Housing Trust fund to relocate approximately 212 households-685 residents in total. CPED allocated an additional $500,000 from their budget.

The Reckoning

Erik Hansen, Director of Community Planning and Economic Development (CPED), presented a report on the situation while the entire city council fumed. Enrique Velazquez (Regulatory Services) and Angel Bogard (Inspection Services) testified to confirm what residents had long known: Heritage Park was unlivable.

The problem was structural. A partnership agreement with MPHA meant the city only inspected when residents complained. This situation was made worse by accusations that MPHA retaliated against complainants by revoking Section 8 vouchers.

Warren’s critique was withering. She admonished CPED and Regulatory Services for their inspection lapses, demanding they “be as tight as a frog’s bottom” in future collaboration. She asked the simple, damning question: why did she have to inspect the property herself while the people paid to do so did not? She called McCormack Baron Salazar, the original developer, “a developer with a habitual practice of bad business,” adding she would take “a large glass of no thank you” to working with them again.

Every council member thanked Warren for exposing what happened on her predecessor’s watch. Jeremiah Ellison served Ward 5 from 2018 to 2026 as conditions deteriorated. We wonder if he could have done more to assist residents in the ward.

The anger was rightfully directed at Regulatory Services, CPED, and MPHA. Hansen summed up the moment: “We are in crisis mode,” he said. When asked about the scope of damage: “It’s bad, it’s bad.” The city doesn’t yet know if Heritage Park is salvageable or requires complete rebuilding.

The Bitter Irony

Council Member Whiting pointed out the cruel symmetry: Heritage Park itself was born from the Hollman v. Cisneros consent decree of 1995, which promised North Minneapolis a new chapter after four public housing complexes were demolished due to deplorable conditions. The decree mandated deconcentrated, sustainable, mixed-income housing. Thirty years later, the cycle has repeated. As the Spokesman Recorder reported:

In April 1995, the Hollman v. Cisneros consent decree promised North Minneapolis a new chapter-deconcentrated, sustainable, mixed-income housing to replace four demolished public housing complexes. Twenty-five years in, that promise is being tested in a Hennepin County courtroom.

The Financial Trap

Rebuilding costs remain unknown, though Warren estimates they’ll exceed $100 million. Conversations about funding haven’t even started. Council Member Soren Stevenson expressed what many felt: frustration that the city has become the financial backstop for decades of extracted developer profits. McCormack Baron Salazar profited for years before walking away.

Last year, Certus Financial LLC took over as property manager in receivership. MPHA retains underlying land ownership, but Certus now operates the rental property which is losing $200,000 per month. That’s why the city is raiding the MPHA fund. Certus has been transparent with the city; McCormack Baron Salazar was not, yet the city continued issuing them rental licenses. Director Bogard’s explanation of the inspection and licensing process left council members unconvinced.

What’s Next: July 16 and Beyond

The full council meets on July 16 and we anticipate it will be a long one. Three major items are on the agenda:

1. Emergency funding to relocate Heritage Park residents

2. Lyndale Avenue Reconstruction design (five years of debate; community resentment over proposed changes is deep)

3. Drone pilot program for first responders (concerns over surveillance; objections to Skydio’s prior supply of drones to Israel)

We’re sending a summary newsletter Friday morning. Later that day, we're interviewing Council Member Rainville about the Heritage Park vote, Lyndale Avenue, and the drone pilot. We'll also discuss the HERC closure report he requested. We’ll be traveling July 18-28, so our newsletter schedule during that period is uncertain.

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The left wing of the Democratic Party fell hard for first-time politician Graham Platner, the crusty, straight-talking oyster farmer from Maine. We heard it endlessly: he was an “authentic” working man, as though such creatures were difficult to locate without political consultants pointing them out to us.

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What didn’t fit the “fighter for the working class” narrative got ignored or explained away. Point out that Platner attended elite prep school or that his father paid for his house? You clearly didn’t understand the significance of his message. If Democrats had simply paused to ask why being an oyster farmer qualified anyone to be a U.S. Senator, it might have slowed the rush of endorsers, Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed and Minnesota’s Peggy Flanagan among them.

If both win their primaries (El-Sayed on August 4, Flanagan on August 11), it will be interpreted as proof that the Democratic Party has shifted solidly left, possibly too far left for the moderate electorate when they have to win entire states, not just party faithful. (Flanagan has since publicly withdrawn her support.)

The Electoral Calculation

The Cook Political Report still calls Maine a toss-up. We disagree. We believe the Platner debacle doesn’t just hand Susan Collins her reelection, it makes it more likely that Arkansas, Michigan, and Ohio tip Republican. If our read is correct, Republicans will perform far better in November than anyone expected in February.

Why We Keep Falling for It

The Platner collapse has exposed, once again, how manufactured our candidates are. We want to believe in our leaders so badly that we’ll overlook almost anything. We even listened to podcasters explain how Platner’s flaws were advantages, they made him more approachable, the argument went. People don’t want pristine leaders, they said; it makes them feel inadequate by comparison.

It’s the same impulse that makes us believe Jeremy Allen White, who plays Carmen in The Bear, is a master chef in real life. More likely he has a personal chef and would burn a grilled cheese sandwich if left alone in a kitchen. His job is to act. If he does it well, we assume he is like his character, but that’s rarely the case. Next role, he could play a welder. Both professions take years to master.

What Matters More Than the Story

More often than not, we want a politician whose personal story feels relatable. What the Platner saga teaches us is that their character and track record matter far more than the life narrative they ask us to believe.

There’s another caution embedded here. The identity characteristics candidates, or their handlers, choose to highlight are usually selected because focus groups liked them. Right now, Angie Craig touts that she’s a lesbian. Peggy Flanagan highlights her Native American heritage. Neither quality indicates how well they’ll serve in the Senate. They’re signals designed to activate support, or at least support from certain constituencies. It must be that being an English major performs terribly in focus groups, because we’re still waiting for a candidate brave enough to lead with that.

The Devalued Endorsement

The DFL endorsement once signaled that a candidate had been vetted, that voters could trust them to represent Democratic values. That endorsement’s value has been muddied. Increasingly, people understand that the DFL contains the DSA. From an outsider’s perspective, it’s unclear which group is responsible when someone gets endorsed. The distinction matters.

Like Mainers, Minnesotans tend to be reserved and slow to accept outsiders. It seems many of us share Maine’s frustration with the status quo and want a change in government. We understand the impulse. Watching the current administration’s corruption and incompetence is infuriating. But we hope Minnesota doesn’t let that hunger for change lead us to similar poor choices.

Before You Vote

If you’re planning to vote in the primary, we encourage readers to research the candidates, even meet them if possible. Avoiding the spin takes effort. It’s worth it.

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One topic on our list is drug addiction. These cities, and Minneapolis, are searching for ways to address the effects of the opioid epidemic and crystal meth. Each has navigated the hazards of encampments and the tangle of contributing factors: housing, mental illness, and the addictive power of fentanyl and other drugs. Cities and counties across the country are preparing budgets and deciding where to allocate funds along a continuum of options for addressing a disease that can reach into any family, pull out a member, and leave them on the street to fend for themselves.

From Turtle Bread, I walk across Chicago to the D-Line bus stop. This “Express” bus takes me downtown through Phillips, Ventura Village, and Elliot Park before my stop on 7th Street between 3rd and 4th avenues. The ride is filled with moral hazard. This week, I wasn’t sure whether to call 311 or 911 because the only other person at my morning bus station was bent double, in a nod against the shelter. I called neither. The bus driver and the few other passengers, I’m sure, did nothing as well.

It’s unclear to me what the truly compassionate action is when encountering people along the route who are either in the deep grip of addiction or searching for their next fix. A young woman boards surrounded by three men with hungry eyes, disheveled, dirty, their clothes torn from nights sleeping in weeds along roadsides. I can’t help but wonder if she’s being trafficked. Identifying trafficking isn’t something I’ve been trained to do. She got on with them; she left with them. Perhaps my sheltered existence warps my interpretation. I hope so. Like the woman who sometimes sleeps behind the electrical box at the top of the off-ramp near our house, I hope there’s somewhere safe for her to go.

The Better Minneapolis editor sent me a story by Michael R. Hatch from Seattle, who lost his sister to a drug overdose. I’ve started following his newsletter. His compassion is rooted in genuine concern to find a solution to this crisis. In a follow-up story titled “The Right Side of Right,” he quotes Sherman Alexie, the National Book Award-winning novelist, who has also struggled with addiction:

“He drives past 12th and Jackson, he told me, and curses a city whose empathetic politics serve only as a placebo for the politicians themselves.”

Hatch then praises the method being tried in San Francisco by Daniel Lurie:

Daniel Lurie told his city the truth it had refused for a decade: the people dying on the sidewalk are not a housing statistic. They are sick, and a decent city gets them well.

Then he built what getting well takes. A stabilization center on Geary Street, open around the clock, where police can bring a person in crisis at any hour and a clinician is waiting. Shelter built around recovery. An end to handing out drug supplies to people with no path to treatment.

His approval sits near 74 percent, because people were never tired of compassion. They were tired of a failed ideology that left only suffering on the sidewalks.

California went further, and closer to home for me. This year the state began allowing conservatorships that hold a person in treatment for a year, renewable as long as the illness lasts: the power to keep someone safe and cared for until they are well, instead of releasing them the moment they can stand.

And:

Seattle has never once enacted the thing that actually saves a life: the conservatorship law, the treatment beds, the intervention Daniel Lurie built in San Francisco. It will not face the fact the whole crisis turns on: these are people who have lost the capacity to act for themselves.

He goes on:

We already intervene for people who cannot keep themselves alive. We do not leave the Alzheimer’s patient to wander into traffic. We do not let a child fend for herself in an alley. We would never call that freedom. The addict dying in the doorway has lost the same capacity to choose. We have simply decided, in his case alone, to look away and call it respect.

We know what is right. That is the unbearable part. San Francisco knows it. California knows it. Every grieving family knows it. The sick have to be rescued, especially the ones too sick to ask, and it takes a law that can hold them, a place that can heal them, and the plain nerve to build both and to stand up to the people who will call it cruelty.

Policy Changes

Hatch's writing, describing his desperation with Seattle, arrives as Mayor Frey announces changes to Minneapolis encampment policy. Police will issue citations and arrest people involved in public drug selling and use. Predictably, social activists called this cruelty and authoritarianism. They cannot grasp that the status quo consists of people unable to make sound decisions. Allowing them to remain is akin to letting someone with Alzheimer's wander into traffic. These are people whose free will has been usurped by a tyrant called addiction. Riding the bus, witnessing the stages of trafficking and addiction, it seems absurd to think intervention and possible conservatorship is anything other than compassionate.

Thursday I will interview Enrique Velazquez, Minneapolis Director of Regulatory Services, to ask what Mayor Frey's new policy means for the city and how the Safe Outdoor Spaces program might be implemented. The idea allows designated spots for the homeless to sleep in their cars or other vehicles. If readers doubt Minneapolis's urgent needs, ride the D-Line. A compassionate city acknowledges the addiction crisis and stands up for its neighbors. We want healing to have a chance, not because watching someone nod off next to us makes us uncomfortable, but because we know they are suffering and unable to choose a different path on their own. For their sake, we're willing to support any policy that brings about meaningful change.

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The evening opened with a discussion about lessons learned from the hiring and firing of former MPD Chief Brian O’Hara. Payne emphasized that the next chief must be an active participant in the reform process, though he qualified that reform is everyone’s responsibility, not one person’s. He wants someone with humility who listens to residents like Michelle Gross, who has led police reform efforts for decades. Someone accountable to the broader community.

Frey largely agreed but offered a defense of O’Hara, noting that crime and complaints had both decreased during his tenure.

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What was absent from this discussion, beyond Frey’s brief mention of crime, was any serious treatment of what the next police chief would actually do to reduce crime and attract more officers. The next chief will certainly be tasked with extending reforms. But that is hardly all they need to do. If we have reforms and rampant crime, we will call that a failure.

When politicians talk about crime and policing, they retreat into the academic. They omit the victims. They omit the families recovering from a loved one shot or attacked. They try to reduce it to a math problem, one solved when a specific number of officers are on staff.

Payne offered this calculation:

I actually did a comprehensive study of five years of call data and put together a staffing model with outside consultants who used to be police chiefs, and they calculated that we could meet the calls for service with a police force anywhere between 270 to 450 officers exclusively for 911 calls. That doesn’t cover investigations, that doesn’t cover other administrative work. But that was just the 911 calls for service, especially as you start taking into account the problem nature codes, that’s the wonky technical term for it. Is it a car accident or a bank robbery? There are certain ones we can peel off, like we’ve done with the behavioral crisis response. All of those added up to that number. But that’s actually not the debate.

I think the real math debate here is if it’s going to be thirty million dollars of overtime that we need to cover our basic services.

We’d like to know more about his math. Minneapolis has a higher rate of 911 calls per capita than cities like Portland and Seattle. Year-to-date, the 911 dashboard shows 88,244 Priority 1 and 2 calls — the most serious. Behavioral Crisis Response calls account for 3,341, less than 4%. Right now, there are 638 sworn officers. If every one of them were responding to calls, that would mean each officer would respond to roughly 276 calls per year. Of course, that isn’t how it works. At any given time, officers are out on paid leave for medical reasons or vacation. Others are in administrative roles, as Payne notes.

The math, to us, indicates that MPD officers remain busy responding to calls. But math isn’t the only factor here. Two others demand consideration.

1. The City Charter mandates 731 officers based on the Minneapolis population. Frey will likely be found in contempt of court next year because the MPD has failed to maintain this standard. If advocates for reform want to see a smaller force that more closely matches Payne’s math, they will need to change the city charter.

2. A majority of residents want more police. It’s one of the reasons Frey was reelected as mayor. They want them trained. They want them to apply the law fairly. But they want them. Wanting more police does not preclude wanting more support for those with mental health issues, drug addiction, or housing and food insecurity. It simply means residents have grown tired of the lawlessness that takes place when the police force is understaffed.

Recent Events

On June 30, the DOJ, along with the FBI, DEA, MPD, and Hennepin County Sheriff’s office, announced charges against 11 people connected to drug trafficking and murder. The indictment included members of the “G Block” gang, who operate in the area of 19th Street and Nicollet Avenue selling fentanyl and cocaine, and members of the “Family Mob,” which operates along Lake Street.

We agreed with Sheriff Dawanna Witt’s comments about the arrest:

Drug trafficking is not just about illegal narcotics. It fuels violence. It exploits people struggling with addiction. It puts the entire community at risk. As outlined in this indictment, these crimes are also connected to serious acts of violence, including murder. No single agency can tackle criminal organizations like these alone. That is why these collaborations matter.

We raise this arrest not to spark sensationalism, but to remind the loud and repetitive voices in Minneapolis that seem to believe we can function without police that the stakes are real. Ride a bike through Lake and Blaisdell and it becomes immediately apparent that significant problems must be addressed to move beyond the current crisis. Speak with the residents on these blocks and the issues become far less academic.

There may be a time in the distant future when the gangs, drugs, and guns currently on our streets are no longer an issue. But that day is not here. And we have not yet seen a roadmap that gets us there.

Minneapolis needs new ideas for moving forward in a realistic and achievable way. It’s one of the reasons that David Therkelsen and I are traveling to Portland, Seattle, and San Francisco starting July 18. Many of the people engaged in debates around policing, housing, and drug addiction seem to have grown rigid in their thinking. We’re hoping to return with fresh perspectives that will broaden the conversation.

If you’d like to contribute to this effort, you can donate at our website or email terry@betterminneapolis.com.

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Better Minneapolis is taking this Fourth of July weekend off. Enjoy the holiday.

Early Voting Has Begun

Voting for the August 11 primary has begun. If you’ve chosen your candidate, we encourage you to vote early. You can do so in person Monday through Friday from 8 AM to 4:30 PM at Minneapolis Elections & Voter Services, 980 E Hennepin Ave, through July 24. Hours vary from Monday, July 27 through Monday, August 10, so check the website before you go. The office is closed Friday, July 3 for the holiday. If you prefer to vote by mail, visit the city’s Vote by Mail website to apply for a ballot. Notably, the site includes a feature that lets you track your ballot the way you would a UPS package.

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Sample Ballot

Steve Simon, the incumbent Secretary of State, is the only DFL candidate for that office. His Republican challengers are Wendy Phillips and Tad Jude. Simon’s office maintains an excellent website for voting information.

We recommend reviewing a sample ballot before you vote. When we looked at ours, we discovered an At Large School Board position on the ballot. We know little about the candidates, other than that Michael Baskins ran for Ward 2 City Council last year. We also learned that the Hennepin County Attorney’s race is technically nonpartisan — something we hadn’t realized, given that most of the candidates sought the DFL endorsement.

We recognize this doesn’t fit with the hyper-partisan nature of today’s politics, but we’d prefer there be no party endorsements in nonpartisan races. What it means to be DFL isn’t entirely clear to us. We don’t know what it means to be Republican either. From what we can tell, much of the local DFL now aligns more closely with the DSA, while the state DFL more closely resembles what most people think of as the traditional Democratic platform. Those are two quite different things. The Minneapolis Times has been running an informative series of articles examining the DSA platform, which we recommend.

Who defines the party seems to depend on who shows up at endorsement conventions, and those showing up appear to be DSA-aligned. There are some DSA platform positions we support. For example, we believe the U.S. healthcare system is overdue for an overhaul. How that would be paid for and what it would cover is a debate worth having, and one where the two wings of the DFL could likely find common ground. Agreement on something like healthcare would expand the party’s reach and demonstrate to non-political-junkies that the DFL can be productive without tearing itself apart.

When it comes to candidate endorsements, however, we’d like to know which version of the party is doing the endorsing. In the case of Cedrick Frazier’s Hennepin County DFL endorsement, it appears the DSA-aligned wing carried the day. We didn’t discuss this during our interview with him, but we’d welcome him back to explore whether his endorsement makes him the DSA candidate or the DFL candidate. Until the party sorts out its identity, we won’t be placing much weight on endorsement conventions. In fact, we’d prefer more candidates skip the expense and pageantry of these events altogether — the way Angie Craig did.

What Does the Hennepin County Attorney Do?

The Hennepin County Attorney is the chief prosecutor for approximately 1.3 million residents spread across Minneapolis, 44 cities, and surrounding rural communities. The office has more than 500 staff and a $92 million budget. While prosecution of criminal cases could be seen as nonpartisan that isn’t entirely true in practice. What makes the job inherently political is the setting of policies and priorities that guide prosecuting attorneys: when to charge, when to plea-bargain, when to refer someone to a diversion program. The County Attorney sets the tone for those decisions, and those decisions affect the lives of people being prosecuted, crime victims, and the broader community.

Beyond the Criminal Division, the office includes a Civil Division, which provides legal representation to Hennepin County government; Children & Families, which handles youth prosecution, child protection, and child support; and Community Affairs, which oversees victim services and community engagement. It is an important role — one we want filled by the right person. The term is four years, and the bar for recall is intentionally high: at least 25% of registered voters who participated in the previous election must sign a recall petition.

The August primary will narrow the field to the top two candidates, who will then appear on the November ballot. Whoever ultimately wins, we predict there will be controversy. This office has been a lightning rod for it for decades. Under Mike Freeman (2007–2023), the office faced backlash over its decision not to press charges in the Jamar Clark case and its slow response to the George Floyd murder. Under Mary Moriarty (2023–present), controversy has followed a plea deal involving Zaria McKeever, the decision to prosecute a Minnesota State Trooper for murder in the shooting of Ricky Cobb II, and an ongoing standoff with the Departments of Homeland Security and Justice over evidence related to the actions of federal agents — an issue that may well land in the next County Attorney’s lap.

We can’t predict what controversy the next term will bring, but we’re confident there will be one. That’s why, when we vote, we’ll be focused on qualifications and on which candidate we believe can act with fairness and composure even when the world around them seems to be spinning out of control.

Hennepin County Attorney Candidate Forum — Voter Guide Summaries

Prepared from the League of Women Voters candidate forum, June 25, 2026. All summaries are nonpartisan and based solely on candidates’ own statements. Candidates are listed in alphabetical order. We encourage readers to watch the forum to learn which of these candidates best represents the values they believe are important. Better Minneapolis interviewed each of the candidates. Links to those candidate interviews are embedded in the candidate names.

Anders Folk

Anders Folk is a lifelong Minnesotan and University of Minnesota graduate who served as a Marine Corps lawyer before becoming a federal prosecutor. He later served as Acting U.S. Attorney for the District of Minnesota, in which capacity he signed the indictment charging Derek Chauvin with civil rights violations, and subsequently worked under the U.S. Deputy Attorney General in Washington, D.C. Folk frames his candidacy around “compassion and consequence,” arguing that effective prosecution requires experience navigating the full criminal justice spectrum. On key issues, he supports proactive community education on gun violence alongside vigorous enforcement, advocates for diversion and restorative justice programs to reduce racial disparities, and proposes establishing a federal prosecution task force to pursue state-law violations by federal agents. He emphasizes transparent and consistently applied plea policies, a victim-centered approach he plans to codify in a “Victims’ Bill of Rights,” and regular public office hours as county attorney. Folk points to his leadership experience at the U.S. Attorney’s Office and in the Marine Corps as preparation for managing the 500-person office.

Cedrick Frazier

Cedrick Frazier is the DFL-endorsed candidate in this race, having received over 61% of the vote at the party convention. He came to Minnesota to attend college on a football scholarship. He grew up in a high-poverty, high-violence neighborhood on Chicago's South Side and was the first in his family to earn a college degree. He went on to gain his law degree. His professional background spans public defense, legal counsel for Minneapolis Public Schools, labor law with Education Minnesota, service on the New Hope City Council, and three terms in the Minnesota House of Representatives, where he was vice chair of the Public Safety Committee and co-chaired the Ways and Means Committee. Frazier authored Minnesota's Extreme Risk Protection Order (red flag) law and championed additional resources for investigating non-fatal shootings. He emphasizes a broad, systemic view of public safety — stressing accountability alongside prevention and rehabilitation — and plans to address racial disparities through school partnerships, diversion programs, and juvenile justice reform. He commits to transparent public dashboards, clear charging policies developed collaboratively with office staff, and has the endorsements of Attorney General Keith Ellison, U.S. Senator Tina Smith, and the union representing county attorney office staff.

Diane M. Krenz

Diane Krenz is the only candidate in the race with direct prosecutorial experience inside the Hennepin County Attorney’s Office, having worked there for over 40 years — from a law clerkship in 1983 through April 2025, most recently leading the fraud unit and serving in union leadership. She argues the office has become politicized under current leadership and pledges that, if elected, partisan considerations in prosecution decisions would end the day she takes office. Krenz emphasizes following sentencing guidelines, reinstating clear and consistently applied charging policies, and rebuilding relationships with law enforcement across all Hennepin County departments. She supports prosecuting felons in illegal possession of firearms to the statutory maximum (60 months) and charging gun cases arising from traffic stops that she says are currently being declined. On racial disparities, she advocates a race-neutral application of the law while acknowledging that most victims of the crimes she prosecuted were people of color. She also pledges to restore victim communication practices she says have deteriorated, reinstate website publication of case results, and reinstate community victim impact statements.

Hao Nguyen

Hao Nguyen came to the United States as a refugee, was raised by a single mother, and learned English as a second language. He worked as a correctional officer and police officer to put himself through college, then became a career prosecutor. He currently serves as Division Director of the Ramsey County Attorney’s Office — the second-largest prosecution unit in the state — where he oversees more than 40 attorneys. Nguyen highlights concrete results from his current role: raising the clearance rate for non-fatal shootings from 33% to 67% through a collaborative law enforcement program; co-filing a lawsuit against Glock over illegal machine-gun conversions; developing a traffic stop policy with law enforcement that reduced racial disparities in stops and searches by more than half; and launching a “Reimagining Youth Justice” program that reduced racial disparities in youth recidivism by over 53%. He is endorsed by Hennepin County Sheriff Dawanna Witt and describes himself as the only candidate already actively prosecuting cases arising from Operation Metro Surge. Nguyen also points to personal lived experience — a brother who faced deportation proceedings, an LGBTQ transgender child, and a decade of leadership at a domestic violence shelter — as informing his commitment to balancing public safety with fairness.

Matt Pelikan

Matt Pelikan has spent nearly 15 years as a civil litigator, including extensive pro bono work representing victims of harassment and domestic abuse in obtaining protective orders. He describes himself as the only candidate running from outside the political and prosecutorial establishment, arguing that restoring public trust requires new leadership and fresh perspectives. Pelikan resigned from his law firm in January over its representation of a federal agent involved in the Operation Metro Surge shootings, and has since advised municipalities nationally on accountability for gun industry actors and federal agents. He frames his campaign around the dual pillars of safety and justice, arguing neither is achievable without the other. He is critical of what he views as inconsistent charging decisions and a lack of written policies under the current administration. He cited the contrast between how a Tesla-keying incident and a first-time offense by a young Black woman were handled in the same week. Pelikan supports data-driven diversion programs — noting the current office has nearly halved youth recidivism rates through such approaches — while pledging to reclaim public spaces from untreated addiction and mental illness. He proposes a dedicated task force to pursue prosecutions of federal agents who violated state law during Operation Metro Surge, and emphasizes that these cases will require experienced, independent legal judgment.

Summary

In addition to interviewing each of these candidates, we have seen them speak at two separate forums. Each time, different aspects of their platforms have stood out to us. Hennepin County residents may find this a difficult race to call.

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