What Polls Tell Us About Defining Liberals and Conservatives
The national Democratic Party continues to struggle with messaging. According to a recent Wall Street Journal poll, 63% of Americans view the party unfavorably. Much hand-wringing and debate are occurring within the Democratic Party over how to improve so that they can retake the House of Representatives in next year’s midterms. Minneapolis Democrats face a more localized version of this problem, an internal split between democratic socialists and moderates with little agreement on what a city government should do beyond signaling allegiance to organized labor.
We learned of an interesting polling company recently that divides people into four quadrants. Through a series of questions that can be found on the Echelon Insights website, they plot voters in terms of how socially conservative they are and how economically liberal they are. For example, a winning economic question for liberals is raising the federal minimum wage to $20 an hour. It was supported by 58%. However, the same percentage believe that racism is a product of individuals who hold racist views as opposed to believing that racism is built into our society, policies, and institutions.
If you believe in raising the minimum wage but also think racism is primarily an individual, not systemic, issue, you may be economically liberal but socially conservative. In the survey, 30% of respondents fell into this category, making it the largest group. Only 5% were the reverse: socially liberal and economically conservative. The full results show a wide spectrum of beliefs, not a binary divide. This ideological nuance is often missed by candidates who align themselves strictly with the most radical factions of their parties.
The Missing Component
When reviewing Omar Fateh’s economic development platform, one thing is missing: any plan to attract private businesses to Minneapolis. His proposals might suit a union organizer’s agenda, but they fall short of offering a vision that would appeal to major employers like Target, Ecolab, Medtronic, or General Mills—all key players in the private sector. Fateh’s proposals include:
Working with public employee unions
Overhauling human resources
Raising the minimum wage
Supporting a Labor Standards Board
While proposals like raising the minimum wage are understandable—and many city residents would benefit—local action alone may not be the smartest path. Many people do need help affording basic necessities, but pushing for wage increases solely at the city level overlooks the broader economic reality. This is a policy better suited to federal or state action. Here’s why:
Raising the minimum wage may help some city workers, but Minneapolis is more than its public and union workforce. There’s no clear strategy to retain or attract major private employers like Target, Medtronic, or Ecolab—companies that support hundreds of smaller firms and thousands of indirect jobs. These businesses can relocate anywhere in the state or country; they don’t have to stay in Minneapolis.
Firms like Target rely on a wide network of vendors: caterers, designers, photographers, salespeople, architects, construction crews, and many others, both large and small. When a major employer leaves—or chooses not to invest in the city due to crime, failing schools, or antagonism from elected officials—it triggers a chain reaction. The ripple effects harm every business that depends on that larger ecosystem.
The city cannot fund infrastructure, job programs, or social services without a healthy tax base. That means creating an environment where private businesses want to stay, grow, and hire.
Fateh, Wonsley, and other democratic socialists seem uninterested in that part of the equation. Many of them come from nonprofits or previous government roles and have little experience in the private sector. Their focus on union and public-sector priorities ignores the broader economic engine the city depends on.
Even well-intended policies can backfire if implemented without regional coordination. Teens in Minneapolis often leave the city to find entry-level jobs in suburbs with lower wages, while suburban workers commute in to take higher-paying positions. When we spoke with other baseball parents, many said their sons couldn’t find jobs in the city and had to look elsewhere. The result? More traffic, more emissions, and fewer opportunities for Minneapolis youth.
A Union Town Still Needs Private Investment
Minneapolis can be both pro-labor and pro-business. In fact, it must be. Without private sector growth, the city cannot sustain the programs needed to improve quality of life for all residents. A successful mayor must be more than a labor ally—they must be a chief advocate for investment, job creation, and economic balance.
“Even well-intended policies can backfire if implemented without regional coordination.”
I would broaden that statement to include consideration of secondary effects. E.g., the rent control crowd seems to be oblivious to what’s going to happen with landlord and developer investment.
The Dunning-Krueger effect, “a cognitive bias in which people with limited competence in a particular domain overestimate their abilities,” seems to be a real problem in many of our local elected officials. They have ideals and believe they know the answers, but have almost no ability to think beyond their noses. How do we get them to see that they can’t see?
This is a key aspect that needs to be addressed- how can Minneapolis be vibrant without a strong business base? I don’t think it can. Thanks for pointing that out and the unintended consequence of certain policies