The impetus for this interview was Eric Roper’s column, “Minnesota’s next governor should make the Twin Cities work better” (published August 31). In it, Roper argues that Governor Tim Walz, and those before him, have shied away from exercising their power when what’s needed is a more forceful regional role, particularly when it comes to the Twin Cities. Roper believes, “We have too many cities . . . more than 140 cities in our Twin Cities seven-county metro,” and that the governor must use their bully pulpit to improve the pooling of resources between them and set an agenda for the region.
Roper’s argument appealed to us because the drivers of resident dissatisfaction often seem larger than any single county or city can manage alone. We advocate for a stronger regional effort on homelessness, addiction, crime, wages, and housing. Crime doesn’t stay in one city; people often travel to Minneapolis to commit a crime, then return to a different city or even a different state. Minimum wage standards would ideally be addressed at the federal level, but if that isn’t going to happen, the state level is the next best option if we want to avoid a patchwork of different wages from city to city. Likewise, a common system for delivering homelessness and chemical dependency services would raise the standard of care and make that care more consistent.
The Trust Problem
One obstacle we discuss in the interview is that there is little appetite for a stronger Metropolitan Council. The council is regionally focused, but its members are appointed by the governor, and if the governor isn’t taking a lead role in promoting regional solutions, the council won’t either. Giving more power to state agencies would likely meet similar resistance. The fraud uncovered in Minnesota has largely occurred under the state’s Department of Education and the Department of Human Services (DHS), and beyond the direct financial cost, it has significantly eroded confidence in the competence of the state bureaucracy.
The Cost of Fragmentation
Despite that lack of trust in both the Metropolitan Council and the state, Roper believes there are still good reasons to pursue a regional strategy: “Think about how many police departments we have, how many city halls we have, how many marketing managers we have, how many planning commissioners . . . the duplication is enormous.” The duplication, the silos, and the poor planning are all reasons for the next governor to pay closer attention to the Metropolitan Council’s actions and look for ways to nudge cities and counties toward collaboration.
A few areas where fragmentation is likely hurting the region: multiple cities independently developing outdoor amphitheaters, inconsistent delivery of water and sewer service to new housing developments, and a lack of coordinated planning for growth. Cities like Blaine aren’t waiting for direction from the state or the Metropolitan Council. Blaine is using tax subsidies to attract businesses and build a new minor-league ballpark, and hopes to add hotels and apartments to turn the area into a major destination. That direction was approved by council staff, when it might have made more sense for the full council to debate what’s actually best for the region.
A Regional Tax Model We’ve Used Before
In the current system, cities often compete with each other to attract businesses and residents. Minnesota has tried a different approach before: the fiscal disparities program was designed to pool a share of commercial-industrial tax growth across the region specifically to reduce that kind of competition between cities. There are many ways to promote the region as a whole, but it starts at the top, with the governor. We need a governor focused on ensuring that Minneapolis remains the region’s largest engine of growth and continues to attract employers and investment. The governor can’t shy away from helping cities address homelessness, addiction, and housing out of concern for upsetting voters in less urban areas. The tax revenue generated here serves the entire state.
HCMC and the Case for Regional Ownership
During the most recent legislative session, advocates rallied around Hennepin County Medical Center (HCMC), arguing that it serves the entire Upper Midwest and needed state money to stay open. The argument held up, and the hospital received a financial reprieve. The next logical step is to treat the hospital as a regional institution rather than one that belongs to Hennepin County alone. It was clear to both legislators and the public that HCMC serves far more than Hennepin County residents, and that the county couldn’t carry the cost on its own.
Matching Structure to Today’s Needs
A realistic assessment of what’s best managed regionally versus what’s best left to local control would be a welcome move from the next governor. It’s easy to become rigid about who does what, but the region’s needs aren’t static. COVID changed how much public transportation is needed and where. Housing development is shaped by interest rates, material costs, and available land. And someone experiencing homelessness may receive services in Hennepin County one month and Ramsey County the next. Relinquishing local control can be difficult for elected officials and communities, but sometimes it’s the right call, and refusing to do so can hold the entire region back.
Video Note: The video cut out on us around minute 54, but the audio continues for another 10 minutes.
